Letter From the Editors

Brother, can you spare 400 million rubles? That’s the fine that former Kursk governor Aleksei Smirnov was ordered to pay by a court this week – along with a 14-year prison sentence – on two counts of bribery. Even though the former official “pleaded guilty and expressed remorse,” that didn’t impress the court much. As governor of a frontline province that proved surprisingly vulnerable to a Ukrainian incursion, it’s not surprising Smirnov got almost the harshest punishment possible (the prosecution insisted on 15 years in prison).

Indeed, it seems that any time disaster strikes in Russia, official heads must roll. It’s as much of a tradition as Olivier salad on New Year’s Eve or shashlyki over the May holidays. With devastating flooding hitting many of Russia’s regions – especially Dagestan – will we soon see more high-ranking officials on the docket? Given that experts interviewed by Meduza say the flooding may have less to do with climate change (the official version) and more with “human factors,” that may be the case. Illegal construction, lack of proper runoff systems and yes, a finely oiled machine of bribe-giving and bribe-taking certainly contributed to the devastation in the North Caucasus republic. While regional head Sergei Melikov pointed fingers at negligent property owners, locals see a more systemic problem. As Meduza puts it: “Federal funds are allocated for infrastructure upgrades, contractors carry out substandard work, officials look for someone to blame, and little ultimately changes.” It’s a cycle that feels both familiar and deeply entrenched.

Elsewhere, some officials still seem convinced they can have their cake and eat it too – or at least pass it off as harmless hospitality. Ukrainian political veteran Yulia Timoshenko recently found herself under scrutiny from anticorruption investigators over allegations that she orchestrated payoff schemes to persuade deputies in the Supreme Rada to break the ruling Sluga Naroda party’s parliamentary “supermajority.” According to investigators, “This was not a matter of one-off agreements, but a routine mechanism for cooperation that involved advance payments and was designed for the long term.” Of course, this makes Natalya Prikhodko wonder whether a politician as experienced – and battle-tested – as Timoshenko, who even served time in prison, openly organized bribery schemes and kept clear records.

Timoshenko explained the suspect sums were “for tea, coffee, candy and cookies” for visitors. The icing on the cake is that while the investigation names those with links to former president Yanukovich, it chose to leave out a businessman affiliated with the current presidential administration head, Oleg Tatarov. With Ukrainian society still reeling from the “Mindich-gate” scandal, which implicated the president, it’s fair to wonder how deep this particular rabbit hole goes – and how many more surprises might be waiting.

Meanwhile, the geopolitical stage delivers its own brand of surrealism. Operation Epic Fury continues to be the most victorious campaign ever. For both sides, in fact. While Trump’s all-caps victory laps on Truth Social barely register anymore, Iranian officials are also feeling triumphant. And why not? “Trump did not achieve his goal: The regime did not collapse due to a change of personnel in power. There are no uprisings in the ethnic outskirts, no revolution in Tehran,” writes Gennady Petrov. What’s more, with the accuracy of an acupuncturist, the Tehran regime seems to have found the US’s sore spot: the Strait of Hormuz. So while Trump continues to credit himself with victory after victory, prices at the pump stateside say otherwise – and they may just cost the Republicans the midterms. Viktor Orban, aka “Moscow’s man in Budapest,” is also bracing for an electoral showdown as Hungarians are set to go to the polls on April 12 (stay tuned!). But while Fidesz’s “allegiance for oil” scheme with the Kremlin has gotten it this far, there may be no passing the forint this time.